Essay about Frankenstein and Bladerunner - 1179 Words

‘It’s not so much about survival but more about the quality of life’ To what extent can this statement be applied to the two texts you have studied this year? Survival is the continuing to live or exist, especially in difficult conditions, whereas The quality of life is the fulfillment and personal satisfaction a person has with one’s life. Percy Shelley’s novel ‘Frankenstein’ (1818) and Ridley Scotts film ‘Blade Runner’ (1982) both demonstrate a struggle for quality of life within their texts. The texts show that it is not so much about a being’s survival, but about their undeniable want for quality in their life. We can see this issue expressed through the ideas of compassion and humanity, autonomy and freedom, along with the basic†¦show more content†¦It is questioning humanity on how a creation can absorb emotions. How can a mere creation display such compassion? This is outlining the monster is no longer concerned with simply surviving, but more concerned with experiencing and understanding every aspect and quality of life. We are also shown the idea of humanity and compassion in the film ‘Blade Runner’. The replicants are only seen as objects. This is shown through the repetition of the reference to replicants as ‘it’. It shows the lack of compassion and humanity and to have quality of life you need a certain degree of this. Blade Runner also illustrates that it may not be the replicants fault for their need to survive but lacking of the quality of life. The film noir expresses the films artificial and ‘depressing’ world with dehumanized buildings and dark eerie environments. This makes you ask is this world forgetting about humanity? Their quest for survival is only one step into gaining quality of life as the world they live in now does not contain all elements needed to acquire this. ‘Frankenstein’ expresses a clear idea of freedom and autonomy. Shelley portrays the monster as lonely and only wanting to fit in. With the use of characterization we can see the monster feels locked out from the world; his emotions explain to us his feeling of being trapped. This shows no freedom for the monster. With no freedom he forgets about the need to survive, and focuses solely on gainingShow MoreRelatedFrankenstein vs. Bladerunner1866 Words   |  8 PagesAs society changes around us, we spot things we never noticed before: high divorce rates, murder rates, and drug use just to name a few. James Riddley-Scott and Mary Shelley noticed and had a fear of child abandonment. In Frankenstein, Shelley explores this subject through the viewpoint of a man, Victor, who creates a child so hideous that he cannot bear to look at it, and consequently deserts it. In Blade Runner Scott explores this matter through a businessman, Tyrell, who makes replicants ofRead MoreCompara tive Studies of Bladerunner and Frankenstein1157 Words   |  5 PagesCompare the ways in which texts offer insights into the human experience. Every text is a product of its time. In Mary Shelley’s â€Å"Frankenstein†, she uses the gothic horror genre to explore some of the concerns of her time relating to the use of science and technology and its impact on humanity. Similar concerns are also present in Ridley Scott’s â€Å"Bladerunner†, a futuristic text which combines science fiction and film noir to present a bleak view of a future world overrun by technology and consumerismRead More Frankenstein Vs. Bladerunner Essay1830 Words   |  8 Pages As society changes around us, we spot things we never noticed before: high divorce rates, murder rates, and drug use just to name a few. James Riddley-Scott and Mary Shelley noticed and had a fear of child abandonment. In Frankenstein, Shelley explores this subject through the viewpoint of a man, Victor, who creates a child so hideous that he cannot bear to look at it, and consequently deserts it. In Blade Runner, Scott explores this matter through a businessman, Tyrell, who makes replicants ofRead More Essay on Mary Shelleys Frankenstein and Bladerunner941 Words   |  4 PagesSimilarities between Frankenstein and Bladerunner    Many similarities can be found between Mary Shelleys 1816 novel, Frankenstein and the 1982 movie Bladerunner . The number of similarities between these two works, created more than two hundred years apart, is staggering. A cursory look at both works reveals these similarities: Both stories feature a very intelligent person trying to play God through the creation of life. Both of the creatures were subsequently mistreated by their makerRead MoreTexts in Time Frankenstein and Bladerunner : )1400 Words   |  6 PagesModule A: Texts in Context â€Å"Mary Shelley’s values are still relevant to society today†. Discuss with reference to your knowledge of Blade Runner and Frankenstein. (1200 words) Frankenstein, Mary Shelley’s cautionary tale of science vs. religion was first published in 1818, in an increasingly secular, but still patriarchal British society, amongst the aftermath of the French and Industrial revolutions and a burgeoning scientific research scene. Upon the second release in 1831, the novel was greetedRead MoreFrankenstein and Blade Runner1069 Words   |  5 Pagesâ€Å"A deeper understanding of disruption and identity emerges from considering the parallels between Frankenstein and Blade Runner.† Compare how these texts explore disruption and identity. Frankenstein and BladeRunner both explore disruption and identity through the creators who have created life unethically and through the characters who were created and were abandoned. Shelley and Scott present the responder with a disrupted world where the relationships between nature and science and creatorRead MoreThe s Neo Noir Film Bladerunner And Mary Shelley s Gothic Novel1025 Words   |  5 PagesScott’s neo-noir film Bladerunner and Mary Shelley’s gothic novel Frankenstein, both of which are science-fiction works that explore the complexities of genetic engineering and the consequences of the hubris it entails, demonstrate how one’s prolonged solitude, whether voluntary or involuntary, results in a warped vision of the world that causes one to act irrationally through the characters of Victor Frankenstein, his monster and J. F. Sebastian. Firstly, Victor Frankenstein purposely confines himselfRead MoreKnowledge Kills: Mary Shelleys Frankenstein Essay821 Words   |  4 Pages† (Shelley 47). In this quote, Victor judges the monster as soon as he is born. Due to the monster looks and without considering his personality Victor judges him and thinks he is stupid, scary, and mean. In this article it states, â€Å"Throughout Frankenstein, the reader is left with the feeling that Victors obsessive desire to defeat nature, through the creation of another life, directly led to the many tragedies that befell him.† That means that due to his irresponsible judging his life starts toRead MoreA Study of Bladerunner Essay2089 Words   |  9 PagesA Study of Bladerunner In June of 1982, Warner Brothers released the highly anticipated Harrison Ford film Bladerunner. The film was directed by Ridley Scott, who earlier had a hit with Alien. Both films are science fiction films. The characteristics of the science fiction genre are quite broad. The main things science fiction films have in common are things such as the technology being far superior than today e.g. flying cars and bizarre, otherworldly imagery. However

5ytyt Free Essays

Funding Jill Moran’s Retirement Annuity Sunrise Industries wishes to accumulate funds to provide a retirement annuity for its vice president of research, Jill Moran. Ms Moran, by contract, will retire at the end of exactly 12 years. Upon retirement, she is entitled to receive an annual end- of-year payment of $42,000 for exactly 20 years. We will write a custom essay sample on 5ytyt or any similar topic only for you Order Now If she dies prior to the end of the 20-year period, the annual payments will pass to her heirs. During the 12-year â€Å"accumulation period,† Sunrise wishes to fund the annuity by making equal, annual, end of the year deposits into an account earning 9% interest. Once the 20-year â€Å"distribution period† begins, Sunrise plans to move the accumulated monies into an account earning a guaranteed 12% per year, At the end of the distribution period, the account balance will equal zero. Note that the first deposit will be made at the end of year 1 and that the first distribution payment will be received at the end of year 13. Please answer the questions listed below. . Draw a time line depicting all of the cash flows associated with Sunrise’s view of the retirement annuity. 2. How large a sum must Sunrise accumulate b the end of year 12 to provide the 20-year, $42,000 annuity? 3. How large must Sunrise’s equal;, annual, end-of-year deposits into the account be over the 12-year accumulation period to fund fully Ms. Moran’s retirement? 4. How much would Sunrise have to deposit annually during the accumulation period if it could earn 10% rather than 9% during the accumulation period? How to cite 5ytyt, Papers

Life Expectancy and Resources free essay sample

Others believe that we should go ahead and use the resources that we have available to use, starting with the untapped oil fields in Alaska and in the Gulf Coast, and even all the other areas in the country that have not been explored. Others say trying to obtain new power sources will be very expensive and a long process. I can honestly say that I agree with both sides but I am in favor of the United States using all the resources they have and not trying to come up with new way to power America. A new way to power America is not a bad idea just not the one we need to fix our problem. Solar panels and windmills still should be worked on for the future of America, but as for the present we should use all our oil resources. The reason I say that we need to use our resources is that we are not going to live forever, the average human life expectancy is 67. We will write a custom essay sample on Life Expectancy and Resources or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page 2 years. So in 200 years that would be my third generation of children and I am sure in 200 years they will have the same issues that we have today if not worse. Our country had an energy shortage in the 1970s and I am sure that they were saying the same things that scientist are saying today. On the other hand I do believe that we should look into securing other sources of energy just as a backup. There is nothing wrong with developing a plan b, in a just in case situation. Even though the majority of scientists think that we will never run out of resources, there are still some scientist that think that we do not have much time left. More research and studies can help us come up with a better solution to the questions that we all have. All the data that the scientists are coming up with should be compiled and have a scientist with an unbiased opinion examine the data from both scientist and see exactly where we stand as a country. If we were not to take our focus off finding more resources and still try and find other ways to power our nation we would still be accomplishing both goals. If at any time we needed to switch over to non-fossil fuel energy we could. We need energy, so why not find as much as we can now and not worry about if we will run out of the resources that we are using. The children are the future and as long as we keep producing them than there will always be someone who can figure out how to find the United States more energy. Reference Validation for gas guzzlers and comfort for those who fear oil shortage. (2005, Mar 19). National Post, pp. FW. 9-FW9. Retrieved from http://search. proquest. com/docview/330334817? accountid=35812 Foss, B. (2006, May 22). How much oil is there, and when will we run out? Buffalo News, pp. C. 4-C4. Retrieved from http://search. proquest. com/docview/381749245? accountid=35812

Jude The Obscure Essays (2256 words) - Jude The Obscure,

Jude The Obscure Guilt, Duty, and Unrequited Love: Deconstructing the Love Triangles in James Joyce's The Dead and Thomas Hardy's Jude the Obscure ?It's no problem of mine but it's a problem I fight, living a life that I can't leave behind. But there's no sense in telling me, the wisdom of the cruel words that you speak. But that's the way that it goes and nobody knows, while everyday my confusion grows.? --New Order, Bizarre Love Triangle, from Substance, 1987 Most people who have watched a soap opera can recognize that the love triangle is a crucial element to the plot. In fact, the original radio broadcasted soap operas seemed to consist almost entirely of love triangles. The love triangle, for plot purposes, seems to be a popular technique employed to change the dynamic, add dimension, and generally ?spice up' an otherwise stagnant monogamous relationship. It would make for a pretty dull and quite unpopular show if such popular daytime soap characters as Luke and Laura or Bo and Hope had enjoyed a smooth courtship, uncomplicated marriage and then grew old and gray together without a single conflict. The viewers watched them go through many conflicts, some of which involved the classic love triangle. Such conflicts as the love triangle keep the story moving. Common elements of triangles in today's soaps consist of lust, greed, jealousy, any of which are interchangeable with the conflicts resulting from situations involving lovers coming back from the dead or paternity uncertainties. Yet love triangles, whether in the soap opera or in the novel, are not all uniformly constructed. James Joyce's The Dead and Thomas Hardy's Jude the Obscure, both modernist novels, each contain love triangles as an integral element of the story. The key triangles I will focus on are comprised of Michael, Greta and Gabriel, and, Philotson, Sue, and Jude. Although not absolutely identical, deconstruction reveals guilt, duty, and unrequited love as essential components to the construction of both. Besides the most obvious similarity that both triangles are composed of one woman and two men, guilt also figures prominently. Although the men of the triangles may have their own guilt-related issues, it seems as though it is the guilt felt by the women that presents the most conflict. In The Dead, Greta has to live with the knowledge that it is because of her, although indirectly, that Michael died. It is likely that because of this guilt that she pauses on the staircase to listen to The Lass of Aughrim, a song that, as she tells Gabriel later, reminds her of Michael. At the time, her husband interprets her expression on the staircase as one of ?grace and mystery?as if she were a symbol of something.?(Joyce 2028). He was correct, except not in the way that he thought. All the way to the hotel, the lingering memory of that sight of her incites his passion. However, he experiences a terrible upset as Greta tells him about the song and what it means to her. This is the critical moment where Michael, or rather his memory, enters and completes the triangle, although he may have been there all along without Gabriel's knowledge. To Gabriel, this turn of events casts a different light on his entire marriage to Greta as he ?thought of how she who lay beside him had locked in her heart for so many years that image of her lover's eyes when he told her that he did not wish to live?(Joyce 2035). He wonders ?how poor a part he, her husband, had played in her life?(Joyce 2035). Although it is a bit peculiar for one of the members of this bizarre love triangle to reside beyond the grave, we see here that Michael plays a significant role, perhaps altering Gabriel and Greta's relationship forever, with Greta's guilt as the instigating factor. As for Sue, in Jude, her guilt operates on a completely different level, a religious one. Like Greta, Sue also had a sick man die after braving the elements just to see her. Yet, unlike The Dead, this event has no great impact on the love triangle between Jude, Sue and Philotson. This three-cornered romantic disaster, because of Sue's return to Philotson, had already

Aztec Culture Essays - Aztec Gods, Aztec Society, War Gods

Aztec Culture Essays - Aztec Gods, Aztec Society, War Gods Aztec Culture Aztec Nation The Aztec Nation A distant sound is heard. It sounds like a deep drum being hit with a heavy instrument. You hear it again and strain your eyes in the direction of the sound. All around you is dense jungle. Snakes slither between your legs. You hear the sound once again. In front of you is a dense stand of ferns. You part them and look down into a wide open valley. The valley gets so wide and it is so green that it takes your breath away. But that is not what you are looking at. You are staring at a huge city with glittering buildings shining in the spring sunlight. Smoke rises up from some of the many houses. You can see and hear children playing in the wide open fields in front of the shining buildings. Lamas and chickens are being bought and sold. You see bags of gold jewelry being bought and sold. Beyond the market place you can watch a religious ceremony. You hear the scream of a person being sacrificed to one of the gods. Beyond the city there are roads made of stone and canals full of pedestrians and canos. Who are these people and what are they doing here you wonder? The above paragraph describes what an early explorer in Mexico might have seen between 1400 and 1500 AD. The Aztec nation is one of the largest and most advanced Indian nations to ever exist on earth. Just about every part of the Aztec life was advance to such a state that at that time of the world the people were living better than many European nations. The Aztec nation is unique in its history, economy, environment, and way of life then any other nation at that time. Perhaps three to four thousand years ago, small bands of hunting-gathering peoples made their way across the land bridge that was the frozen Bering Strait, migrated southward through what is now Alaska, Canada, the United States, Central America, South America, and Mexico, settling along the way. One such hunting- gathering group settled in the Central Valley of what is now Mexico (Nicholson 1985). There is a long history of civilizations in the Central Valley of Mexico; as early as several centuries before Christ agricultural tribes had already settled, and by the birth of Christ had established as their great religious center Teotihuacn. The history of the Central Valley after circa the tenth century A.D. is one of tribal conflict and superiority. About the time of the fall of this agricultural civilization, which flourished from approximately the second to the tenth centuries A.D., a new tribe, who we know as the Toltecs, settled at Tula, Hidalgo. They belonged to a larger group known as the Nahua, or Nahuatl- speaking, and seem to have entered the Central Valley from the north or northwest. The Toltec civilization gradually replaced the older, agricultural civilization, as Toltec influence was felt as far as the Yucatn Peninsula and other areas occupied by the Mayan peoples. Yet by the eleventh century A.D., another tribe, the Chichimecs, had already begun to eclipse the Toltecs as the dominant gro up of the Central Valley. By approximately the thirteenth century, the Chichimecs had replaced the Toltecs (Wolf 1998). About this time, another Nahua tribe known as the Aztecs began their migration, in c. 1168. They left their mythical mysterious homeland called Aztln, place of the herons, or Chicomoztoc, place of the seven caves, and migrated southwards through Michoacn (Len-Portilla 1992). The Aztecs, or Crane People, arrived in the Central Valley and obtained permission to settle at Chapultepec in c. 1248 (Caso 1958). The tradition of tribal conflict in the Central Valley was continued; however, it seems that the Aztecs, at first, were practically enslaved by the other Nahua tribes inhabiting the Central Valley. The Aztec culture would not be subjugated, however, and continued in its struggle for power. By the fourteenth century the Aztecs had founded two settlements on islands in lakes: Tlaltetalco and Tenochtitln. The traditional founding date of Tenochtitln is 1325; the quest for the sacred site on which to found Tenochtitln is relayed to us by an Aztec myth, ...[its]

How to Get a Good Community Service Letter 4 Steps to Follow

How to Get a Good Community Service Letter 4 Steps to Follow SAT / ACT Prep Online Guides and Tips Have you done some volunteer work or community service and want to get a letter that shows how many hours you've completed and what jobs you did? Or maybe you need a community service letter to apply for a scholarship, job, or to a particular college? Do you know who you should ask to write the letter and what it should include? Read on to learn what a community service letter is, why it’s useful, and how you can get a great one written for you. What Is a Community Service Letter and Why Would You Need One? A community service letter is a letter that explains where you did your community service, how many hours you worked, and what duties and responsibilities that work included. It may also include additional information, such as the dates you worked, if you had a specific job title, and contact information from the organization. There is no standard format for a community service letter, so what they look like and the amount of information they include can vary widely. Some letters are little more than a form with a few lines that your supervisor signs. Others are more like a standard letter of recommendation and can be several paragraphs long, explaining in detail the work you did and what your personal strengths are. What Is a Community Service Letter Used For? A community service letter provides proof that you completed volunteer work, and it also gives more information on what duties and responsibilities that work included. Having that information can be useful for multiple situations, including the following: College Applications If your community service work was particularly important for you, for example, if you spent a significant amount of time at one location, worked for an organization that is in the same field as your future career, or reference your community service work in other parts of your application, then you may want to attach a community service letter to your college application to provide proof of your volunteer service and give more information about your work. Scholarships There are many community service scholarships available, and some require a letter or proof of your community service as part of the application. Resumes If you include your community service work on your resume (which you should, many jobs count volunteer work as work experience), attaching your community service letter gives the employer more information about your work, as well as a way for them to contact the organization. Graduation Requirements Some high schools require students to complete a certain amount of community service hours before they graduate, as do some extracurricular organizations, such as certain chapters of the National Honor Society. Your community service letter provides proof that you completed those hours. Some high schools require community service in order to graduate, or to graduate with honors Now that you know what a community service letter is and when you may need one, read on to learn about the steps you should take in order to get a great letter. #1: Get Strong Community Service Experiences It may seem obvious, but the better your community service experience, the stronger your community service letter will be. They are multiple ways to get solid community service experience: Volunteer Primarily With One Organization Having a strong community service letter from one place that goes into detail about the work you did is better than having a bunch of letters that show you did a couple of hours of work, then moved on to the next organization. Sticking mostly to one location shows dedication and commitment, and it allows the people writing your letter to go more into detail about you and the work you did. Volunteering often at one place may also lead to increased responsibilities, which will strengthen your letter because it shows that you are gaining more skills and are seen as trustworthy and responsible. Get to Know Your Supervisors and the People You Work With You should make it a point to regularly make small talk with the people you’re around while volunteering. This includes supervisors, other workers, and any people you may be helping. The person writing your community service letter will always be able to write a stronger letter if they actually know you because they will be able to include more details about your personality and skills. Work at a Place You Care About While you may think that some places are â€Å"better† or more impressive to work at, what’s really most impressive to schools and employers is you showing a passion for the organization you volunteer for. Even if you have a volunteer experience that you think is very impressive, if you don’t particularly enjoy it or care about the issue much, this will show when you are asked to speak or write about it for applications or jobs. For example, if you volunteer for, say, a video game conference and put in a lot of time and got a lot of the community involved in participating, this will be more impressive because your community service letter will show that you’ve done more work, and the person writing the letter will be able to discuss your evident passion and dedication to the job. #2: Think About Who You Should Ask to Write Your Letter Who you ask to write your letter will depend on both what the letter should include as well as any restrictions the place you are sending the letter to has. Your first step should be to check with the school, scholarship, or job you’re submitting the letter to in order to see if they have requirements for who can write your letter. Your supervisor is mostly likely the person you'll ask. Many scholarships and colleges require your supervisor or another person working above you to be the person who writes your letter. Your supervisor is a great person to ask because they have a good idea of the work you've done and usually know you pretty well. However, there may be some circumstances when you don't interact with your supervisor much, for example, if they work mostly weekdays, and you volunteer on weekends. This isn't a problem if you only need a short letter that lists your duties and when you volunteered; your supervisor can still write that even if they don't know you well. If you need a more in-depth letter that describes your personality and specific examples of your work, and you don't have a close relationship with your supervisor, you may want to ask someone else to write your letter. Only do this if the person or place you are submitting your letter to allows it! If you are able to submit a letter written by someone other than your supervisor, ask a coworker or someone else you worked closely with and who knows you and the work you did well. It's personal details that separate good community service letters from great ones, so you want someone who can recount specific anecdotes and examples of your work. You may also be able to have a coworker write your letter and your supervisor sign it, verifying that the information is correct. In any case, don't just choose your best friend at community service to write your letter. You want someone who can write professionally about the work you did and explain clearly why you are a strong worker. It will most likely be your supervisor or boss who writes your community service letter #3: Ask Them! Once you have decided who you want to write your community service letter, the next step is to ask. If all you need is a short form filled out, this will not be a big deal, and your supervisor may be able to complete it right then and there. However, if you need a longer, more detailed letter, you will want to give the person writing your letter enough time to complete it, so try to ask them early. At least a month before the letter is due is ideal. You should ask for a letter in person. It's more personal and mature, and it gives you an easy way to set up a follow-up meeting (see the next section). As for what exactly you should say, there are a lot of ways to ask. One example is: "I've really enjoyed doing community service work here and learning new skills and meeting new people. I'm applying to a scholarship/job/college and need to submit a reference letter from my community service, and I'd be flattered if you would be willing to write me a strong letter." After you've asked, make sure you also give the person writing your letter all the information they need to submit a great letter on time. If there are any specific instructions they need to follow, make sure they have them. Also, make sure they know when the letter needs to be completed. If they will be sending the letter themselves, remember to provide them with the proper mailing address or e-mail address. Want to provide a strong recommendation for your employee, but don't have the time to craft the perfect letter? PrepScholar's new recommendation tool, SimpleRec, takes you from good intentions and a blank page to a fully written and formatted letter of recommendation in under 5 minutes. All you need to do is give us some simple pieces of information about your employee and your experience working with them, and we'll do the rest. Try out SimpleRec risk-free today: #4: Discuss What You'd Like to Be Included in Your Letter As mentioned previously, community service letters can vary widely in length, content, and format. After you ask your supervisor or coworker to write you a letter and they agree, ask to set up a time to discuss what information you would like the letter to include. You may only need them to state the number of hours you completed and list what your duties were. However, if you’re using this letter as a way to give an employer or school more details about your personality and strengths, you will want the letter to include more. Talk to the person writing your letter about what you’d like them to write about. Sample ideas include: Details of any major projects you worked on. Specific examples of you going above and beyond expectations. Specific examples of you working well with others. Particular work you did that you’d like to be emphasized (for example if having those skills or experiences will be useful for a future job or class). Final Things to Remember Before you ask for a community service letter, remember to think about what information you’d like the letter to include, and how in-depth you’d like it to be. After you receive your letter, double-check it to make sure all the information is correct, including the number of hours you worked and when you worked them. Many organizations have multiple volunteers working for them, and it can be easy for information to get mixed-up. Send your supervisor or co-worker a thank you note after they complete your letter. Make copies of the letters you receive so that you can use them for multiple college, scholarship, or job applications if you need to. What's Next? Are you applying to a community service scholarship? Many of these scholarships are quite competitive; fortunately, we have a guide that gives you all the tips you need to maximize your chances of winning these scholarships. Do you need other letters of recommendation? Read our complete guide on how to ask for a letter of recommendation to ensure you get the strongest letters possible. Do you need to write an essay about your community service as well, whether for a scholarship or graduation requirement? We have a guide that gives step-by-step instructions on how to write a great community service essay. Want to improve your SAT score by 160 points or your ACT score by 4 points? We've written a guide for each test about the top 5 strategies you must be using to have a shot at improving your score. Download it for free now:

Reaction Paper on Geraldine Brookss The Year of Wonders Essay

Reaction Paper on Geraldine Brookss The Year of Wonders - Essay Example This essay discusses that the contaminated articles and clothes of the tailor were not initially destroyed because of lack scientific knowledge. Eleanor and Michael reveal marriage secrets to Anna. Bradford family faces Mo mp hellion's wrath because they ran away, as they had the means to do so like any other noble family. Rector’s secret shadows fall on the nobility of his work. Anna goes through a mental and spiritual unraveling and almost attains a rebirth. All female characters, Lib, Anna, Gowdies, Anna’s stepmother all show the enormous strength of character. Those were the days when antibiotics have not been invented, though science was receiving royal patronage. Methods of disinfection were not well-known even in London and this fear of infection drove Londoners to inhuman methods during the plague. Fear and superstition and survival made them merciless. Other than burning the infected material, there were hardly any alternatives of infection. Written in modern a nd fluid style, not dull or tedious, the book maintains uncanny optimism despite the prevailing grimness, ‘how fear drove ordinary people first into superstition and then into primeval brutality’. It also shows that human nature does not change while knowledge does. The village is in stark contrast with the treatment London gave to its sick, locking them up with the healthy in their houses, sealing the houses without water or food, and according to Samuel Pepys, ‘making us cruel as dogs to one another’. London was gripped by the fear of unknown.

The COPPS Philosophy & The SARA Method To Solve Community Problems Assignment

The COPPS Philosophy & The SARA Method To Solve Community Problems - Assignment Example The drinking issue by underage young people also presents the environment for further crime to be committed such as robberies and assault, along with gang fights. Introduction One of the most important aspect of policing efficiently is the use of patrol units that regularly canvas the same neighborhoods on a regular basis. Officers in patrol cars or on foot patrols get to know the neighborhood and the people when they see the same places with the same people over and over again (Craven 2009). This also helps to establish relationships between the police and the people in the neighborhood and is essential when there are a rash of crimes being committed as police can go to the people and request help in reporting suspicious activity (Allen & Sawhney 2009). A good representation of this is the Neighborhood Watch team which has neighborhood members who drive or walk around neighborhoods and then call in to the police anything that looks suspicious (Hunter & Barker 2011). Utilizing the pr inciples of COPPS (Community Orientated Policing and Problem Solving) requires that the police department engage with the community and develop efficient trusting connections that will promote information gathering techniques from the community to the police department which oversees that community. This will help to promote a safer community for all where people can live and raise their families (COPPS 2013). In this example, there has been a surge in street racing of cars and other vehicles, seriously compromising the safety and security of the neighborhood. Along with this, there has also been underage drinking reported among those who have been caught, either driving these vehicles, or creating a public nuisance in various areas of the neighborhood such as the playgrounds. A program will be studied and devised to assist in eliminating these issues before there is a serious life-threatening accident, particularly to young neighborhood children when they are out playing with their friends (Allen & Sawhney 2009). Both COPPS and the SARA principles will be used in combination to create, develop and implement this program (SARA 2013; COPPS 2013). First Steps – SARA In designing a program to solve a neighborhood problem, the tools of SARA must be implemented first to begin in the information collection process of the problem. SARA is comprised of the four tools of Scanning, Analysis, Response and Assessment (SARA 2013). The first three tools are essential for use in information gathering and mapping the situation in order to design the response needed. The scanning of the neighborhood is important to understand layout factors, what current patrols are already in place, sorting through the reports of problems over a specific time period (a year), and then mapping these to get a visual picture of where the majority of the crimes are being committed (SARA 2013; Hunter & Barker 2011; Cordner & Scarborough 2010). If a sector presents itself as being a hot spot of activity, based on the reports analysis, then a higher level of patrol cars will be detailed to that area, particularly if it is noted that these crimes occur mainly in the late hours of the day. The analysis will also show if there is a higher volume on the weekends when young offenders are not at school and therefore, out on the

Malham Field UK Essay Example for Free

Malham Field UK Essay Malham field is very vast piece of land situated the northern eastern of the England. It lies within the Yorkshire part of England. The region has wide variations of geographical features which contribute to the attractiveness of the region as centre of tourism attraction. The region has therefore been a region of great importance in the development of geographical learning and other linked course such as agricultures, tourism as well as fishing. (Raistrick, 1972) The geology The Malham field is a region famous of geological activities. One of the most famous geological activities in the sites lies with the presence of limestone features of their own uniqueness. The place is well known because of the wide variety of features, however, the site has is deeply significant in geological work through the understanding of limestone. Generally, Malham is speculated to be a region of useful limestone minerals. The region has been of unique shape which is attributed to the endowment of limestone. The presence of the limestone of the nature of KARST in this portion of land has led to the spectacular landscape. (O’Connor 1964): Due to the nature of limestone present, the region experiences underground drainage more often rather than surface drainage and run offs. Therefore, like in many other areas where KARST occurs, the underground drainage forms a main feature in the region. The presence of limestone in region makes it possible in the formation of different geographical feature. These physical geographical features formed in the region depend on the chemical properties of calcium carbonate. The rocks are readily dissolved by rainwater. As result of this kind of rock the cover the land, the reactions of the rock with rainwater leads to the formation of sinkholes. Usually, sinkholes which are salient features in the regions occur with surface water disappearing underground hence leaving behind dry valleys and stream less. The nature of the rock in the area also prevents ease formation of the soils. The rock has very high rate of dissolving which renders the processes of soils formation quite impossible. While soils are not easily formed on soluble rocks, then the place has vast lands with bare rocks. In addition to bare rocks, other common salient features in the regions includes crags and pavements Figure 1 The figure above shows the presence of several feature found in the region. Bare rock s and other features are clearly indicated. Scree slopes and crags are shown in the figure with varying ways. This figure was retrieve from http://www. malhamdale. com/geology. htm on 21 February, 2009 Landforms and soils The part of Malham has several features which are formed through different activities. There are two major activities which are involved in the formation of the various landforms in the region. Perhaps, there are three most distinct ways in which these features are attained. One of these is the glaciations process which is believed to have taken place during the era of ice ages. The place of Malham is said to have been covered with glaciers at about 15000 years ago. The sheet of ice that covered Malham glaciated leading to scoured and modified KARST landscape. This made the place to come to be referred to as GLACIOKARST landscape. The process led to the formation of limestone pavement with exposed rocks to the element of the environment. (Burek et al,1998) The figure 2 below shows an example of limestone pavement. Retrieved from http://www. malhamdale. com/cove. htm on 21 February, 2009 The figure above shows a Malham cove which is said to be an inspiration to numerous art and literature work. The Malham cove is a huge shaped cliff formed of limestone rock. The top of the cove is covered by classical limestone pavement. The high of the vertical face of the cliff is 260 feet. The cove is deeply eroded at the top. (Muir 1991) The other kind of features and landscapes can result through erosion and solution processes. Generally, these processes are likely to create feature of tourism attraction such as the Gordale Scar. This is a huge gorge that existed since the ice ages in which water melted forming a cavern that gradually collapsed resulting to waterfall and a gorge (Sweeting, 1972) Vegetation and drainage The Malham part has mostly underground drainage system. This is because the rock allows the formation of such systems more easily than any other drainage systems. Most of the rivers in this region remain as dry river bed due to percolation of the surface water from the surface. Most rivers become surface drainage systems only with heavy rainfall. Despite that the region has several underground water systems; the Malham tarn is salient feature within the region. While most of the drainage systems are naturally salty, the Malham Tarn system has been very significant in the provision of freshwater. The Malham tarn lake draws off its contents to the small stream of Malham water. This system of the Malham water enters to the limestone where it disappears at water sinks. The system continues with its course by adopting the common way of underground channel before it reappears at the Airehead Springs in the southern part of Malham. (Smith and Atkinson, 1977) Figure 3 Malham Tarn lake drainage system This is the famous largest freshwater lake in the United Kingdom Climate The region of Malham experiences four climatic seasons in a year. However, there has been some change in the recent times which is not only being experienced in this region but is a matter that is causing an alarm allover the world. The Malham region is being affected by the global warming process which is taking place in whole world. The winter season is portrayed to have the extreme of temperature increase, implying that there is the least frost and ground air at such a time. During the summer period, the amount of rainfall is more or less that received during the winter time. However, there has a tendency of drier summers and wetter winters in the past few decades. (Manley, 1979)

The Grapes Of Wrath Essay: The Malice of Society -- John Steinbeck

Malice In Steinbeck’s novel, The Grapes of Wrath, the Joad family represents the thousands of migrant families who came to the west with the fantasy of obtaining a peaceful life after the Dust Bowl. Conversely they are faced with something resembling the epitome of human cruelty. Business owners and Californians do what they can to keep the Oklahoma families from breaching the invisible line that divides the privileged and the poor. This line, which only exists in the mind, causes people to loose their sense of humanity. The following quote describes the attitude of the wealthy: â€Å"And in the little towns pity for the sodden men changed to anger† (Steinbeck 434). In the beginning of the novel, Steinbeck describes the devastating Dust bowl that settles â€Å"on the corn, on roofs,† and blankets â€Å"the weeds and trees† (Steinbeck 3). His use of imagery instantly installs the picture of destruction into the reader’s mind. The Dust Bowl is the beginning of the hardships that are to come for the migrants. There is an anecdote of a turtle who struggles to get to the other side of the road. The turtle struggles up the embankment like the families struggled to get to California. When he was trying to cross the highway he was nearly hit twice, which is similar to the business owners and Californians running over the Oklahoma people. This small chapter symbolizes the entire journey of the Joad family, in turn it symbolizes the journey of all the Oklahoma people. The grass isn’t always greener on the other side. The crops eventually fell and â€Å"the owners of the land came onto the land† (Steinbeck 31). The Oklahoma families are forced to leave the land that they lived on for generations. There isn’t any negotiating. It was either flee or die of ... ...ld be compared to the story of Moses and the Hebrews. The Californians and the wealthy business owners symbolize the Pharaohs while the migrants symbolize the enslaved Hebrews. However the happy ending to Moses’ story doesn’t correspond with the ending of the Joads or other families. In the end, they are still impoverished, homeless, and hungry. While Egypt suffered plagues, the Californians and business owners suffer none. There isn’t any reason for the vindictiveness of the Californians and wealthy business owners to cease. Steinbeck uses the story of one family to ultimately cry out to everyone that â€Å"food must rot, must be forced to rot† (Steinbeck 349). The ones forcing poverty upon the migrants are the same ones sitting comfortably in their chair reading The Grapes of Wrath. Works Cited Steinbeck, John. The Grapes of Wrath. New York: Penguin Books, 1978.

Hunger Games Comparison

Hunger Games vs. Our society A. intro 1. Alter bodies for fashion/looks 2. 13 colonies theory 3. Average American/ Average Capitolean B. Body Altering 1. Body coloration a. tatooes b. tanning beds c. piercings/colored hair 2. Conclusion C. 13 Colonies Theory 1. 13 states/districts a. try to prevent a â€Å"war† b. King George III /President Snow taking over cruely c. Lower class/ Upper class 2. Upper Class = large and moder city = Capitol 3. â€Å"While there is no such thing as an ordinaryy American, it is not the case that most Americans are balkanized in enclaves where they know little of what life is like for most other Americans. The American Mainstream' may be hard to specify in detail, but it exists† -Charles Murray D. Average American/ Those in the Capitol 1. We all have an idea of what the average american looks like, But the most common answer was: obese, piercing, tatooes, dyed hair. How does this compare to the Hunger Games? Well in the â€Å"Hunger Gamesâ € , the Capitol people had colored hair and skin, glitter, unusual hair, and did many other unusual things to themselves to portray themselves as beautiful and the new â€Å"it† thing.If you looked at our society, you would see how just about everyone is trying to be the average American and follow all the new trends. Susanna Collins took this theory and made it her own creating a society that portays exactly how ours is. E. Conclusion 1. Body Alteration 2. 13 colonies theory 3. Average Hunger Games vs. Our Society â€Å"Hunger Games† by Susanna Collins, has many similarities to our modern day society. The people living in the â€Å"Hunger Games† Capitol do many things to their body that our society does to theirs.The thirteen districts in â€Å"Hunger Games† had many parallelisms to our thirteen original colonies. The average person living in the capitol has many similarities to our societies average person. â€Å"Hunger Games† society has many of the cultural influences that we have in our modern day society. In â€Å"Hunger Games†, Susanna Collins has many unusual cultural expectancies just as our modern day society does. Many citizens of our modern day society use tatooes, unusual colorings of the hair, piercings, and skin coloring (tanning beds) as a way to express themselves and their beauty.The citizens of the Capitol has these same things. They do very unusual things to their skin, face, and hair. Susanna Collins uses our societys unusual behaviors and adapted them to fit the role of the Capitol. The thirteen districts in â€Å"Hunger Games† have a lot to compare to our nations original thirteen colonies. In our original thirteen colonies, they were trying to avoid war within their new nation while those in the thirteen districts were also trying to avoid a â€Å"war†. The Capitol is ran by a horrible and power abusing President Snow.When our thirteen colonies were still new and trying to becom e a new nation, King George III of Great Britain was still trying to abuse his power over them. Both of these leaders were ruthless when trying to â€Å"rule† over their people. The thirteen districts and colonies also have the similarity of a upper class and a lower class. Before our thirteen colonies became a nation, they were considered lower class while King George III and his subjects were upper class. The most common definition of upper class is a large and modern city/ place.This definition fits exactly to the Capitol described in â€Å"Hunger Games†. Our original thirteen colonies and â€Å"Hunger Games† Capitol have many similarities and similar ideas. We all have an idea of what the average american looks like, But our most common answer is: obese, piercing, tatooes, dyed hair. How does this compare to the Hunger Games? Well in the â€Å"Hunger Games†, the Capitol people had colored hair and skin, glitter, unusual hair, and did many other unusua l things to themselves to portray themselves as beautiful and the new â€Å"it† thing.If you took a look at our society, you would see how just about everyone is trying to be the average American and follow all the new trends. Susanna Collins took this theory and made it her own creating a society that portays exactly how ours is. â€Å"While there is no such thing as an ordinary American, it is not the case that most Americans are balkanized in enclaves where they know little of what life is like for most other Americans. ‘The American Mainstream' may be hard to specify in detail, but it exists† -Charles Murray. Susanne Collins took many ideas of history and our society to write her book â€Å"Hunger Games†.She took the idea of how our modern society alter their bodies to fit the image that our media creates for us. She also took the history of the original thirteen colonies or states and adapted it to fit the role of the districts in â€Å"Hunger Gamesà ¢â‚¬ . In addition to those, she took how the idea of the â€Å"average American† and changed it and made it the characteristics of the people living in the capitol. Susanne Collins, author of the novel â€Å"Hunger Games† took many of our modern day ideas and our country's history and fit it to make â€Å"Hunger Games† the ultimate comparison to our modern day society.

Rurality in Post Industrial Society

Paper prepared for the conference ‘New Forms of Urbanization: Conceptualizing and Measuring Human Settlement in the Twenty-first Century’, organized by the IUSSP Working Group on Urbanization and held at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy, 11-15 March 2002. Paper 14 THE NATURE OF RURALITY IN POST INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY By David L. Brown and John B. Cromartie? Draft 2/15/02 INTRODUCTION Urbanization is a dynamic social and economic process that transforms societies from primarily rural to primarily urban ways of life (Hauser, 1965). Few would dispute this definition, but how useful is it for examining the spatial reorganization of population and economic activities in postindustrial societies where a large majority of people, jobs, and organizations are concentrated in or dominated by urban agglomerations? The essence of this question hinges on our ability to differentiate between what is rural and urban in postindustrial societies. While this may have been a relatively straightforward task during the late 19th and early to mid 20th centuries, it has become an exceedingly complex question in the context of postindustrialization. We acknowledge the helpful comments of Calvin Beale, Kai Schafft, Laszlo Kulcsar, and the conference organizers Tony Champion and Graeme Hugo. Brenda Creeley prepared the manuscript. Early social scientists saw urbanization and industrialization as being reciprocally related. One process could not proceed without the other. While most scholars understood that urban and rural were not ent irely discrete categories, relatively clear lines could be drawn to distinguish urban from rural communities and distinct ways of life associated with each. In addition, early social scientists were convinced that the transformation from rural to urban-industrial society would be accompanied by a wide range of negative social outcomes. In fact, this concern is generally credited with motivating the rise of the new discipline of Sociology (Marx, 1976; Durkheim, 1951; Weber, 1968; Wirth, 1938). The social and economic organization of community life has been thoroughly transformed by technological and institutional changes since the mid 20th century. Accordingly, notions of what constitutes urban and rural communities that grew out of the era of industrialization may no longer offer a reliable lens with which to view contemporary settlement structures. They may no longer provide a reliable delineation of what is urban and what is rural, and consequently we may not be able to determine whether the level of urbanization is advancing, declining, or remaining constant. As a consequence, our analyses of population redistribution may bear little connection to the reality of spatial reorganization. The large literature on counter-urbanization, to which we are both contributors, may be missing the mark because it depends on data systems and geo-coding schemes that reflect a prior era of socio-spatial organization. Hence, our purpose in this paper is to propose a multidimensional approach for conceptualizing rurality that reflects the demographic, social, economic and institutional realities of postindustrial society. We agree with Halfacree (1993: p. 4) that â€Å"†¦the quest for an all-embracing definition of the rural is neither desirable nor feasible,† but we believe that social science can and should develop conceptual frameworks and geo-coding schemes to situate localities according to their degree of rurality. Since rurality is a multidimensional concept, the degree of rurality should be judged against a composite definition that includes key social, economic and demographic attributes. This approach rejects the notion of rural as a residual (after urban has be en measured). The operationalization of rurality should be flexible enough to differentiate urban from rural, while recognizing and appreciating the diversity contained within each category. Our approach to defining 2 rurality involves the material aspects of localities, but we acknowledge the validity of other approaches. As Halfacree and others have observed, rurality can be defined as a social representation. Or as he puts it, â€Å"the rural as space, and the rural as representing space† should be distinguished (1993: 34). We do not propose to debate the relative merits of the material and representational approaches in this paper. Each has a respected tradition in social science. Our sociodemographic approach is inspired by previous work of Paul Cloke, 1977 and 1986, while the social representation approach’s pedigree includes Moscovici, 1981, Giddens, 1984, and many other highly respected scholars. We feel that these approaches are complementary rather than competitive. As Martin Lewis has observed, â€Å"In the end, only by combining the insights of the new geography with those of the traditional approaches may human relatedness be adequately reconceptualized† (1991: 608). However, we emphasize the socioeconomic approach in this paper because of its utility for informing statistical practice essential to the quantitative empirical study of urbanization. Why Do We Need To Know What Is Rural In Postindustrial Society? At the most basic level, urbanization cannot be understood without also examining the nature of rurality. Perhaps it is axiomatic, but urbanization cannot proceed in postindustrial society unless rural people and communities persist and are at risk of â€Å"becoming urban. While there is copious evidence that rural-urban differences have diminished during the latter half of the 20th century, important differences have been shown to persist structuring the lives people live and the opportunities available to them (Brown and Lee, 1999; Fuguitt, et al. , 1989). In addition, what we believe about rural people and communities sets the agenda for public policy. The American public, for example, holds a strong pro-rural and/or antiurban bias that provides continuing support for agricultural and rural programs (Kellogg Foundation, 2002; RUPRI, 1995; Willits, et al. 1990), and quite possibly promotes population deconcentration (Brown, et al. , 1997). However, research has demonstrated that this pro-rural bias is based on nostalgic positive images of rural places, and a misunderstanding of the social and economic realities of rural life (Willits, et al. , 1990). What people value in rural communities is often formed â€Å"at a distance,† through literature, art and music, not through actual experience. As John Logan (1996: 26) has observed, â€Å"A 3 large share of what we value is the mythology and symbolism of rural places, rather than their reality. Accordingly, more reliable research-based information about the social and economic organization of rural areas, their role in national society, polity and economy, and their relative share of a nation’s population and economic activity will provide a stronger bas is for public policy. Bringing beliefs about rural areas into closer connection with empirical reality will improve the fit between rural problems and opportunities, public priorities, and the targeting of public investments. HOW CAN THE NATURE OF POSTINDUSTRIAL RURALITY BE DETERMINED? The Conventional Approach: Rural-urban classification in most national statistical systems typically involves two mutually exclusive categories. In most highly developed societies, (North America, Western Europe, Oceania, and Japan) the rural-urban delineation is based solely on population size and/or density (United Nations, 1999). It is not that government statisticians don’t understand that rurality is a variable not a discrete dichotomy, that the rural-urban distinction is somewhat arbitrary regardless of the population size or density threshold chosen, or that neither the rural nor the urban category is homogeneous. However, given their responsibilities for monitoring basic aspects of social organization and social change, and for providing data tabulations to the public, to businesses, and to other government agencies, the elemental need is to develop a geographic schema that makes intuitive sense, and where between category variability exceeds internal differentiation. It has not been realistic to expect statistical agencies to adopt a complex multidimensional delineation of rurality given the realities and politics of statistical practice in which budget constraints, and competition between stake holder groups determine which items are included on censuses and other large scale public surveys, and which variables are routinely included in tabulations and data products. However, the development of GIS techniques, and new advances in small area data collection and availability suggest that more flexibility and variability in geo-coding may be possible in the future. Hence, while we do not necessarily expect statistical agencies to adopt our multidimensional approach, we believe that it raises important questions about conventional methodologies for assessing the level and pace of urbanization in highly developed nations. 4 OMB’s New Core Based System: A Step In The Right Direction: The public availability of summary tape files from censuses and other nationwide surveys, provides significant opportunities for inquiry by university-based and government scientists into the extent and nature of rurality in postindustrial societies. In effect, analysts can design their own residential categorization schemes to examine various aspects of settlement structure and change. And, innovative research experimenting with alternative categorization systems can eventually contribute to changes in official statistical practice. For example, 25 years of research by social scientists in the USDA’s Economic Research Service (ERS) and in academia is ar guably responsible for persuading the U. S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB) that an undifferentiated nonmetropolitan category is not defensible (Duncan and Reiss, 1956; Butler and Beale, 1994). As early as 1975, ERS was recommending that the nonmetropolitan category be disaggregated according to the degree of urbanization. In a major publication released in that year, Hines, Brown and Zimmer showed that more populous nonmetropolitan counties, especially those adjacent to metropolitan areas, were more similar to metropolitan areas than to their nonmetropolitan counterparts. OMB has now modified its official geo-coding scheme to recognize diversity within nonmetropolitan America. OMB has instituted a â€Å"core based statistical area classification system† that recognizes that both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan territory can be integrated with a population center. The new CBSA classification system establishes a micropolitan category as a means of distinguishing between nonmetropolitan areas that are integrated with centers of 10,000 to 49,999 population, and nonmetropolitan territory that is not integrated with any particular population center of 10,000 or more inhabitants (OMB, 2000). 2 Metropolitan counties contain 79 percent of the U. S. opulation and 21 percent of its land area in the new classification scheme while the 1 In the United States and some other postindustrial countries, two residential categorizations are used: urban vs. rural and metropolitan vs. nonmetropolitan. Some writers use these concepts interchangeably, but even though their respective shares of the nation’s total population have tracked quite closely during recent decades, they are different concepts. What is similar between them, however, is that rural and nonmetropolitan are both residuals that are left over once urban settlement is accounted for. Hence, the rural population includes all residents of places of less than 2,500 and persons who live outside of urbanized areas while the nonmetropolitan population includes all persons who live outside of metropolitan counties (counties containing or integrated with a place of 50,000 persons). 2 Social scientists have also objected to the use of counties as building blocks for the nation’s metropolitan geography, but the new OMB standards have retained counties in the new classification system (Morrill, Cromartie and Hart, 1999). 5 ercentages are exactly reversed for nonmetropolitan territory. The nonmetropolitan population is almost evenly split between micropolitan and noncore based areas, although the former category contains 582 counties while the latter has 1668. The data in tables 1-3 show substantial diversity between micropolitan and noncore based areas, and demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between these two types of counties. To begin with, the average mi cropolitan county has 45,875 persons compared with only 15,634 persons in the average noncore based area. The data in Table 1 also show that micropolitan counties have 43 persons per square mile while only 12 persons live on each square mile of noncore based territory. [Table 1 here] Table 2 compares social and economic characteristics of persons living in various types of U. S. counties. In each instance these data show regular patterns of decline as one moves from the largest metropolitan counties to noncore based counties. For example, almost half of all metropolitan persons have attended college compared about one third of nonmetropolitan residents, but only 31 percent of noncore based adults have been to college compared with 37 percent of persons living in micropolitan counties. Metropolitan workers are more dependent on jobs in service industries while their nonmetropolitan counterparts depend more heavily on farming and manufacturing, although these differences are not strikingly large. Within the nonmetropolitan category, however, dependence on farming is over twice as high in noncore based counties compared with micropolitan areas, and small but consistently smaller percentages of noncore based employees work in manufacturing, retail and services jobs. Similarly, professional, technical managerial and administrative occupations comprise a much larger share of metropolitan than nonmetropolitan jobs, and a larger share in micropolitan than in noncore based counties. Data on earnings per job (displayed in the bottom panel of Table 2) show that noncore based workers earn less than their micropolitan counterparts in all industrial categories, and their earnings are consistently the lowest of any county type in the U. S. [Table 2 here] We have also examined whether micropolitan areas are more â€Å"metropolitan† than noncore based counties with respect to the presence of various services and facilities typically associated with metropolitan status (Beale, 1984). We conducted a mail survey 6 f the heads of county government in a 10 percent random sample of noncore based areas, and in 20 percent of micropolitan and small metropolitan areas. We have only received about 40 percent of the questionnaires from the county executives at this time, so the data in Table 3 are provisional. 3 However, these preliminary results reveal that central counties of small metropolitan areas are clearly differentiated from both nonmetropolitan categories. In all t welve instances the presence of these â€Å"metropolitan functions† is most prevalent in small metropolitan counties, and least available in noncore based areas. Micropolitan areas, however, appear to be more similar to small metropolitan areas than to noncore based counties. Hence, OMB’s new system seems to be a step in the right direction from the undifferentiated nonmetropolitan residential. It does a good job of distinguishing between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas, and between micropolitan and noncore based areas outside of the metropolitan category. [Table 3 here] While we applaud the OMB’s new classification system as a step toward recognizing rural diversity, we believe that it is just that, one step. We recommend that social science research further examine the multidimensional nature of rurality in order to enhance understanding of the extent of urban and rural settlement and urbanization in postindustrial societies, and to guide future modifications of official statistical geography. A MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACH TO CONCEPTUALIZING RURALITY IN POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES As mentioned earlier, our multidimensional approach elaborates and extends earlier work by Paul Cloke (1977; 1986). The basic notion is that while urban and rural have intrinsic meaning, both concepts derive much of their analytical power when compared with the other. Low population density, for example, has important meaning in and of itself, but its meaning is further clarified when low rural density is compared with the high ratio of persons to space found in urban regions. 4 Cloke’s objective was to develop a 3 We are now involved in the refusal conversion process and hope to obtain at least a 60 percent response rate. Moreover, attitudes about urban and rural areas are formed on the basis of the attributes people believe characterize such areas, but these attitudes also reflect people’s opinions of how rural and urban areas differ 4 7 quantitative statement of rurality that could be used as a basis for comparative studies among rural areas, and between them and urban areas. He used principal components analysis to identify nine variables associated with rural-urban location. Principal components loading scores were then used as weighting criteria to form an index of rurality. The resulting scores were arrayed in quartiles ranging from extreme rural to extreme non-rural, and each of England’s and Wales’ administrative districts was assigned to one of these four categories. In 1986, Cloke replicated his 1971 index. His second study showed that while most districts were classified in the same rural-urban category in both 1971 and 1981, some districts changed categories over the decade, and the nature of rurality itself was marginally transformed over time. He found that the variables differentiating rural from urban areas in 1981 were somewhat different than those used in the initial analysis. In particular, population decline and net out migration were important rural attributes in 1971, during a period of population concentration, but not in the 1981 analysis after the relative rates of rural-urban population change and net migration had reversed in favor of the periphery. The 1981 revision included 8 variables. Positive variable loadings on five of the eight factors indicated that they corresponded to urban characteristics (high level of housing occupancy, high percentage of workers outcommuting, high percentage of women in childbearing ages, high level of household amenities, and high population density) while negative loadings on the remaining three variables corresponded to rural characteristics (high involvement in extractive industries, disproportionate number of older persons, and distance from an urban area of 50,000 population). It is important to point out at this juncture that neither Cloke nor we are geographic determinists, e. g. , we do not contend that the type of environment people live in has an independent causal effect on their attitudes and behavior. On the other hand, we believe that spatial locality is more than simply a setting in which social and economic relationships occur. Our position is that a person’s place of residence in a nation’s settlement system can shape social and economic outcomes, and can have a profound impact on life chances (Brown and Lee, 1999). While a growing number of social from each other. Accordingly, the public’s overall positive attitude toward rural people and areas is a combination of â€Å"pro-rural† and â€Å"anti-urban† attitudes. 8 scientists agree that space should be incorporated into social theory and research, there is little agreement on the manner in which space enters into social behavior. The debate hinges on the question of whether spatial arrangements are an elemental cause of social behavior, or whether space acts in a more contingent manner. Our position is consistent with the latter view; that space has an important but contingent causative role in social relations. Hence, we see value in distinguishing rural from urban areas because we contend that rural-urban variations in socioeconomic status, for example, can only be understood by taking into account how contingent characteristics of rural and urban places modify the access to opportunities. In other words, we are saying that local social structure contextualizes social and economic behavior. We do not question the existence of fundamental social relationships, but we observe that these relationships are modified by spatial variability in social and economic contexts. Linking back to the status attainment example, education is positively related to income in all locations, but the strength of this relationship varies across local labor markets depending on their industrial and occupational structures. Education matters everywhere, but returns to education are higher in some spatial contexts than in others depending on the availability of well paying jobs and on the nature of the stratification system (Duncan, 1999). Dimensions of Rurality in the United States at the Turn of the Century: Cloke’s approach to defining rurality was largely inductive. His choice of variables was not shaped by a clearly defined theoretical framework for distinguishing rural from urban, although they were suggested by the literature as being important aspects of the sociospatial environment. Neither do we claim that our approach emanates from a wellcrafted theory of rurality, but we do start with a clear premise about four distinct dimensions that comprise rural environments in postindustrial societies. We then choose indicators for each domain that have been shown in the research literature to vary across rural-urban space. The concept of rurality we are proposing involves ecological, economic, institutional, and sociocultural dimensions. In this section of the paper we discuss each of these four dimensions in turn, and propose a set of indicators that could be used to empirically develop a composite measure of rurality. We follow Willits and Bealer (1967) in observing that a composite definition of rurality involves both the attributes of rural areas themselves, and the attributes of persons residing in such areas. Figure 1 shows 9 the four dimensions of rurality, indicators of each dimension, and the contrasting rural vs. rban situation for each indicator. Our approach indicates the attributes that define rurality, and it does so in a comparative framework vis a vis urbanity. [Figure 1 here] The Ecological Dimension: Population size, population density, spatial situation within a settlement system and natural resource endowments are included in this dimension. As indicated earlier, conventional statis tical practice typically emphasizes this approach. Urban vs. rural delineations are usually defined by a size and/or a density threshold, while metropolitan vs. onmetropolitan delineations use size and density criteria to identify central cities and measures of geographic access such as physical distance or commuting to signify the interdependence of peripheral areas. Hope Tisdale’s (1942) influential article provides one of the clearest theoretical statements for the size/density delineation, while central place theory is the primary theoretical basis for considering geographic location vis-a-vis other places in a settlement system (Berry, 1967). The ecological dimension also includes a consideration of the natural environment. As shown in Table 1, 79 percent of land in the United States is found outside of officially recognized metropolitan areas, and 61 percent is located in noncore based areas. While this tells volumes about density, it also indicates that most of America’s natural resources are located in its rural territory. Energy, minerals, land for agricultural production, water, and habitat for wild life are all found disproportionately in the rural sector, and this is an important aspect of the nation’s rurality during the postindustrial era. The Economic Dimension: This dimension concerns the organization of economic activity in local economies. It focuses on what people do for a living, the size and composition of local economies, and the linkages between local economic activities and national and global capital. Until the mid 20th century, rural and agriculture while not synonymous were very closely related, and definitions of rural were heavily influenced by measures of dependence on agriculture and other extractive industries. Rural economies were small and undifferentiated both in terms of establishments and workers, and localities had a relatively high degree of economic autonomy. 10 Many people continue to view rural areas through this archaic lens, even though local economies have been fundamentally restructured during the past 50 years. Direct dependence on agriculture, forestry, mining and fisheries has declined to less than one in ten nonmetropolitan workers although extractive industries continue to dominate economic activity in particular regions of the U. S. (Cook and Mizer, 1994). There is no denying that economic activities in rural and urban America have become much more similar since World War II. Not only has dependence on extractive industries declined throughout the country, but so has dependence on manufacturing, and most economic growth is now accounted for by services. However, the jobs available in rural labor markets continue to be significantly different than urban jobs. Rural manufacturing is more likely to be nondurable than urban manufacturing, and well paying producer services jobs are seldom available in rural economies. Moreover, research shows that full time rural workers earn less than urban workers regardless of their industry of employment, and that rural employment is significantly more likely to be part time and/or seasonal (Gale and McGranahan, 2001). While these rural-urban differences in employment do not adhere to the traditional farm-nonfarm contours, they show that opportunities available in rural labor markets are clearly inferior to those available in urban America, and that rural and urban areas can be differentiated with respect to how people make a living. Rural economies have traditionally been smaller than urban economies in terms of number of workers, the number and size of establishments, and the gross value of products or services sold. Of the three indicators of rural economic activity, this one has changed the least over time even though the decentralization of urban based branch plants has brought some large employers to particular rural areas. Moreover, rural economies have been much more dependent on one or a few types of economic activity than urban economies, and this too remains an important rural-urban difference. The â€Å"protection of distance† enjoyed (or suffered) by rural economies has clearly diminished in recent decades. Technological changes including all weather roads, the interstate highway system, virtually universal telephone service (now including cell phones), and the internet have greatly reduced rural isolation. This is not to deny that some important inequalities in transportation and communication infrastructure persist 11 between rural and urban areas, but for the most part the effect of physical distance has been substantially leveled by technological advances. Institutional changes, especially the increased mobility of capital, have further diminished rural economic independence. The deregulation of banking means that capital now flows easily to and from metro bank centers and the rural periphery. This has both positive and negative implications for particular rural communities, but the clear result is that rural economies are increasingly integrated within national and global structures. With this change comes a resulting decline of local autonomy and increased dependence on extra-local firms and organizations. This makes rural areas at the same time more attractive sites for certain types of external investment, and more likely to lose traditional employers because of financial decisions made elsewhere. There is little room for sentiment in the globalized economy, including sentiment for rural communities as valued â€Å"home places. † When the bottom line demands it, capital flows across national borders to production sites with low costs and few regulations, locating and relocating according to the demands of the market. The Institutional Dimension: Communities are institutionalized solutions to the problems of everyday life. Accordingly, some social scientists view communities as configurations of institutional spheres including education, religion, governance, the economy, etc. (Rubin, 1969). While we do not necessarily subscribe to this functionalist view of community organization, there is no denying that institutions are a critical aspect of local social structure, and that human beings would have little use for communities if they did not serve recurring needs. Both urban and rural areas have formal institutional sectors. Most places have some form of politics and local governance, organized religion, education, and voluntary and service organizations. Moreover, as discussed in the preceding section, sustenance and economic activity are important aspects of locality. Rural and urban areas are not so much differentiated by the presence or absence of particular types of institutions as by their diversity and capacity. For example, schools, newspapers and churches, are widespread, but most rural communities offer a narrower range of choices as to where one’s children may be educated, where to worship, and/or the media from which one obtains local news. School consolidation in rural America has resulted in fewer and larger schools. Students are often bussed long distances to school. 12 Similarly, while churches are present in most rural communities, the range of denominations and congregations is narrow. Clubs, service organizations, and voluntary associations are also an important part of rural community life, but the choice of organizations to join is constrained in comparison to the organizational choices available in urban environments. Rural institutions also tend to have more limited capacity than their urban counterparts. Rural governments, for example, are often constrained by part time leadership, insufficient fiscal resources, ineffective organizational structures, limited access to technical information and expertise, and limited ability to assess changing community needs (Kraybill and Lobao, 2001; Cigler, 1993). The Sociocultural Dimension: Moral traditionalism is one of the most consistent themes subsumed under the term â€Å"rural culture† (Willits and Bealer, 1967). Rural persons are often considered to be more conservative than their urban counterparts, and data from national surveys indicate this to be true in the United States. Calvin Beale (1995) has shown that 49 percent of rural respondents to a 1993 National Opinion Research Center (NORC) national survey regard themselves as religious fundamentalists compared with 33 percent of urban respondents. Similarly, a much lower percentage of rural respondents believe that abortion should be available for any reason (26 percent vs. 44 percent), and a much higher percentage of rural persons believe that homosexuality is immoral (84 percent vs. 2 percent). Beale also observed that rural voters have been more likely to support conservative candidates in recent elections even though rural persons are slightly more likely than urban persons to describe themselves as democrats. A related idea is that rural conservatism is often associated with the homogeneity of the rural population. Wirth (1938) and ot hers argued that increased population diversity was one of the dominant effects of urbanization, and one of the reasons why informal social control was likely to break down in cities. Ironically, Fisher (1975) and other critics of Wirth, argued that ethnic diversity rather than contributing to a weakening of the social order was a main reason why the strength of social relations did not diminish in cities, and why community was not â€Å"eclipsed† in urban environments. While the association between ethnic and other aspects of population diversity and social and political attitudes is still an open question, research clearly indicates that rural populations in the U. S. , while 13 increasingly diverse, remain significantly more homogeneous than urban populations (Fuguitt, et al. 1989). In addition, the rural population’s racial and ethnic diversity is not spread evenly across the landscape, but tends to concentrate in particular regions and locales (Cromartie, 1999). Hence, even though about one out of ten rural Americans is African American, few rural communities are 10 percent Black. Rather, Blacks tend either to comprise the majority or large mino rity of a rural population or an insignificant percentage. The same tends to be true with respect to other racial and/or ethnic populations. Much has been written to suggest that primary social interaction is more prevalent and more intense in rural areas, and that rural areas have a higher level of informal social control than is true in urban areas. However, these contentions, if ever true, are not supported by contemporary empirical evidence. Copious research has shown that urban persons are involved in regular and intense interaction with family, friends and neighbors, and that community has not been eclipsed in urban America (Hummon, 1990; Fischer, 1975). Moreover, research by Sampson (1999), and others has shown that social networks are quite effective in regulating social behavior in urban locales. Accordingly, primary social interaction and effective social control do not differentiate rural and urban areas in contemporary American society, and are not components of the sociocultural dimension of rurality. CONCLUSIONS How urbanized are postindustrial societies? How rapidly is the remaining rural population being incorporated within the urban category? How do rural people and rural areas contribute to and/or detract from the social and economic well being of highly developed nations? We contend that answering these questions accurately is contingent on the availability of theoretically informed definitions of rural and urban areas. Virtually every developed nation uses population size and density as the basis for its differentiation of urban and rural areas. Areas obtain urban status by reaching some threshold of population size and/or density, and commuting or some similar measure of routine social and/or economic interaction is used to determine whether peripheral areas are integrated with, and hence part of large/dense urban agglomerations. Rural areas are simply the residual—areas that fail to satisfy the urban threshold or lack routine interaction with core 14 areas. We join with many previous scholars in arguing that this approach is blind to the complex multidimensional nature of postindustrial rurality. We believe that the residual approach is inadequate for differentiating rural from urban populations, and for examining social, economic, political, ecological and other forms of diversity within the rural category itself. We have recommended a multidimensional framework for considering the nature of rurality in postindustrial society. Our approach includes conventional demographic measures, and adds information on the natural environment, economic structures and activities, the diversity and capacity of institutions, and a sociocultural domain. Our case is the United States but we believe that the situation we describe in the U. S. is similar to that in most other postindustrial societies. Our paper rejects the notion that rurality is simply a residual that is leftover once urban areas have been identified. The rural as residual approach clearly identifies the extremes or urbanity and rurality (Paris, France vs. Paris, Texas, for example), but it offers no guidance for examining settlements that fall in the intermediate zone between these extremes. We believe that the multidimensional approach to conceptualizing rurality is helpful not only for distinguishing urban from rural but also for understanding the variability of social and economic organization that occurs within both categories. As we have shown, the OMB’s new core-based statistical areas systems is a step toward recognizing important aspects of rural diversity and of focusing attention on the zone between what is clearly urban and clearly rural. We acknowledge that there is a venerable tradition in social science of examining the correlates of city size (Duncan, 1951; Duncan and Reiss, 1956), and that it is possible that rural-urban variability in ecological, economic, institutional and sociocultural attributes may simply be a reflection of inter area differences in population size. If this is the case then the conventional practice of using population size to define urbanity may be sufficient for delineating urban from rural. In contrast, if the other dimensions of social and economic activity are only weakly associated with population size then conventional statistical practice may be producing misleading information regarding urbanization and the conditions of life in rural and urban communities. This important question merits continued examination in future research. 15 Changes in a nation’s urban-rural balance have significance that extends beyond purely academic curiosity. Understanding how variability in spatial context affects opportunity structures and the quality of life contributes to producing flexible public programs that are sensitive to local needs. Misinformation about the social, economic and institutional organization of rural and/or urban areas, and about the size and composition of a nation’s population living and working in rural and urban places will result in misinformed policies. For example, if policy makers believe that most rural persons are farmers, agricultural policies will be seen as a reasonable response to rural poverty and income insecurity. But, of course, agricultural policies will not have much of an effect on rural poverty because most rural persons in postindustrial societies do not depend on farming for their livelihoods (Gibbs, 2001). Or, if research indicates that the size of a nation’s rural population has held constant over time, as is the case in the United States where about 55-60 million persons has been classified as rural since 1950, then significant public investments for rural development will be legitimized (at least from an equity perspective). But, if the measurement of rurality is too permissive, and the population that is genuinely rural has actually declined, then public resources may be targeted to the wrong populations. We realize that the multidimensional perspective we are promoting could not be easily or cheaply built into a national statistical system. But, regardless of its practicality our framework raises important questions about the sufficiency of the size/density conventions used throughout the developed world, and consequently about the state of knowledge on urbanization in postindustrial societies. Moreover, our contention that rurality should not be treated as an undifferentiated residual complements the social representational approach in which rurality is defined by how people imagine community life in everyday discourse. Both approaches focus attention on the complexity of contemporary rural life and its continuing distinctiveness in comparison with urban areas. 16 REFERENCES Beale, C. 1995. â€Å"Non Economic Value of Rural America. † Paper presented at the USDA experts’ conference on the value of rural America. † Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. ______. 1984. â€Å"Poughkeepsie’s Complaint or Defining Metropolitan Areas. † American Demographics 6(1): 28-31; 46-48. Berry, B. 1967. Geography of Market Centers and Retail Distribution. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Brown, D and M. Lee. 1999. Persisting Inequality Between Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan America: Implications for Theory and Policy. † Pp. 151-167 in P. Moen, D. Demster-McClain and H. 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American Journal of Sociology 44(1): 129. 19 Figure 1: A Multidimensional Framework of Rurality in Postindustrial Society Indicators Rural Areas or Populations Urban Areas or Populations Are More Likely to Be: Are More Likely to Be: Dimensions of Rurality Ecological Dimension Population Size Population Density Situation in Settlement System Natural Environ ment Economic Dimension Dependence on Industrial Activities Size of Local Economy Diversity of Economic Activity Autonomy of Local Economy Institutional Dimension Local Choice Public Sector Capacity Sociocultural Dimension Beliefs/Values Population Diversity Small Low/Scattered Peripheral Rich in Natural Resources Large High/Concentrated Central Lacking Natural Resources Extractive Nondurable Manufacturing Consumer Services Small Workforce Small Establishments Undiversified Low/Dependent Producer Services Professional Services Durable Manufacturing Large Workforce Large Establishments Diversified High Narrow/Constrained Limited/Modest Wide High Conservative Homogeneous Progressive Heterogeneous 20 Table 1: Population, Land Area, Density and Percent Rural by CBSA Category, 19901 CBSA Category U. S. Metro Large Small Nonmetro Micro Non-CBSA 1 No. Counties 3,141 891 606 285 2,250 582 1,668 Population 1,000s Percent 248,709 195,930 171,606 24,323 52,780 26,699 26,081 100 79 69 10 21 11 10 Land Area (square miles) 1,000s Percent 3,536 737 488 249 2,799 625 2,174 100 21 14 7 79 18 61 Population Per Sq. Mile 70 266 351 98 19 43 12 See OMB (2000) for discussion of procedures used to delineate CBSA county types. Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 21 Table 2: Comparative Profile of Metro, Micro and Noncore Based Counties, U. S. , 19901 Metropolitan Large Small Nonmetropolitan Micro Noncore Characteristic Educational Attainment Pct. Less Than High School Pct. High School Pct. College Total Total 23 29 48 23 28 49 25 32 43 31 35 34 29 34 37 34 36 31 Industry of Employment (selected) Pct. Farm Pct. Manufacture Pct. Retail Pct. Services 1 13 16 29 1 13 16 30 3 15 18 25 8 18 16 21 5 18 17 22 11 17 15 19 Occupation of Employment (selected) Pct. Manager, Professional Pct. Tech. , Sales, Admin. Pct. Labor2 Earnings Per Job3 All Jobs (000) Manufacture (000) Retail (000) Services (000) 1 2 28 33 24 29 34 24 24 30 28 20 26 34 21 27 33 18 24 36 27 36 15 24 27 37 15 25 0 27 12 16 20 25 12 15 20 27 12 16 18 23 11 14 See OMB (2000) for rules used to identify county types. Skilled and unskilled 3 Nonfarm jobs Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 22 Table 3: Presence of Services and Facilities by County Type, 20001 Percent Provided in County Micro 29 71 62 58 91 89 41 64 38 100 45 Service or Facility Scheduled Passenger Air Service Scheduled Inter County Bus Service Local Bus Servic e Museum2 Daily Newspaper National or Regional Hotel Franchise Four Year College Library with Multiple Branches Commercial Television Station3 General Hospital4 N 1 Small Metro 50 91 95 77 95 100 82 64 68 100 22 Noncore Based 11 31 29 23 18 44 11 34 9 74 71 Ten percent sample of noncore based counties; 20% samples of small metro and micro counties. Current response rate = small metro: 41%; micro: 75%; noncore: 42%. Art, science or natural history with focus beyond local county. With local news and advertising. With at least two of four of the following services: emergency room, physical therapy, cardiac care or MRI. 2 3 4 23